Apus apus – the much-loved Common Swift we find in Britain – has a cousin, Apus apus pekinensis, that breeds in Asia. These Swifts were first known to breed in Beijing when the original city walls were constructed in the 1400s¹. The eaves and beams found in medieval Beijing provided the pekinensis Swift with nesting sites so ideal that the fortunes of this species seem to almost rise and fall with the construction or loss of man-made structures. The Swift, yuyan, shares its name with an archaic name for Beijing used in the Warring States period, Yanjing². Swifts are also thought to be the inspiration for mythical birds that feature in Shang, Song and Ming Dynasty mythology³.  

The real bird is perhaps no less otherworldly than its mythological counterpart. Their boomerang wings provide them with exceptional aerobatic skills, allowing them to catch up to 7,000 insects per day⁴. Most remarkable of all, they eat, mate and even sleep in the air, only landing to build nests and raise young. How they achieve sleep is still debated. Perhaps they shut down one side then the other hemisphere of their brain, alternately resting each half, or they fly up to a high altitude and then rest as they slowly glide downwards⁵. Pekinensis Swifts arrive in Beijing in April and will depart in the late summer after their chicks have fledged. 

European Swifts are known to migrate to sub-Saharan Africa during the winter months, but the migration routes followed by Pekinensis Swifts were, until recently, a mystery. Between 2014 and 2018, a team of scientists and volunteers worked to closely monitor the migrations of the Swifts that nest on the Summer Palace in Beijing⁶. Using mist nets – gossamer-fine webs employed to catch birds for ringing – a handful of Swifts were fitted with geolocators in 2014 that would track their movements over the following year, until they returned, as most Swifts do, to the same breeding grounds from which they themselves had fledged. 

Light-level geolocators were fitted to the Swifts with small harnesses, weighing only about 2% of the birds’ bodyweight⁷.  These devices record the times of noon, dawn and dusk during the Swift’s journey, and from this, successive locations along their migration path can be calculated. 

Researchers and volunteers were able to announce that the Pekinensis Swifts nesting on the Summer Palace fly every year to wintering grounds in south-western Africa. Of much interest to the scientists involved is that the birds were discovered to follow arid lands throughout most of their migration, seeming to favour conditions much drier than their Scottish cousins⁸. 

After leaving Beijing, the Swifts travelled west and into Mongolia, before heading south again to Xinjiang, in western China. They then flew through central Asia before crossing the Red Sea and arriving in north-east Africa. After heading south, their journey ended in the Southern African Plateau, where they spent the winter before returning to Beijing in the spring⁹. It is believed that this entire journey is made without the Swifts once touching the ground. 

Tragically yet unsurprisingly, Swifts are steadily becoming a rare sight in our skies. Reasons for their declining numbers include loss of suitable nesting sites, altered weather patterns which affect their migrations, and their insect prey becoming scarcer. 

Their plight is increasingly recognised, however, which provides hope that further resources will be invested in their conservation. There is surely nothing more important than encouraging greater appreciation amongst the public for these birds, and for others like them that are threatened. Birdwatching is a growing interest in China, a hobby which is thought to have attracted 200,000 new enthusiasts between 2018 and 2023¹⁰. And it’s not just pensioners: posts about ‘birdwatching equipment’ on Xiaohongshu, a social media site similar to Instagram, have spiked over the last few years¹¹. 

The fate of the Beijing Swift is dependent on the choices that we make today. The screaming swarms of Swifts that haunt the skies of summertime Beijing can be traced through the history of the city. We must work harder to ensure that both Scotland and China will continue to welcome this most captivating and enigmatic bird for years to come.

1. Wild Beijing. 2015. “Out of Africa! The Beijing Swift’s Incredible Journey Charted at Last.” https://wildbeijing.org/the-beijing-swift-project/. ︎
2. Common Swift. 2009. “Caring for the Common Swift in Beijing: Saving more than Swifts!” http://www.commonswift.org/4764Yuan.html.  ︎
3. Common Swift. 2009. “Caring for the Common Swift in Beijing: Saving more than Swifts!” http://www.commonswift.org/4764Yuan.html. ︎
4. Xing Fangyu. 2019. “Welcome home, Beijing swifts.” CGTN, April 13. https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d674d7741444d34457a6333566d54/index.html ︎
5. Coghlan, Andy. 2016. “Swifts break record by staying aloft for 10 months at a time.” New Scientist, October 27
   https://www.newscientist.com/article/2110650-swifts-break-record-by-staying-aloft-for-10-months-at-a-time/ ︎
6. Zhao, Y., Zhao, X., Wu, L., Mu, T., Yu, F., Kearsley, L., Liang, X., Fu, J., Hou, X., Peng, P., Li, X., Zhang, T., Yan, S., Newell, D., Hewson, C. M., Townshend, T., Åkesson, S., and Liu, Y. 2022. “A 30,000-km journey by Apus apus pekinensis tracks arid lands between northern China and south-western Africa.” Movement Ecology 10: https://doi.org/10.1186/s40462-022-00329-2 ︎
7. Zhao, Y., Zhao, X., Wu, L., Mu, T., Yu, F., Kearsley, L., Liang, X., Fu, J., Hou, X., Peng, P., Li, X., Zhang, T., Yan, S., Newell, D., Hewson, C. M., Townshend, T., Åkesson, S., and Liu, Y. 2022. “A 30,000-km journey by Apus apus pekinensis tracks arid lands between northern China and south-western Africa.” Movement Ecology 10: https://doi.org/10.1186/s40462-022-00329-2 ︎
8. Zhao, Y., Zhao, X., Wu, L., Mu, T., Yu, F., Kearsley, L., Liang, X., Fu, J., Hou, X., Peng, P., Li, X., Zhang, T., Yan, S., Newell, D., Hewson, C. M., Townshend, T., Åkesson, S., and Liu, Y. 2022. “A 30,000-km journey by Apus apus pekinensis tracks arid lands between northern China and south-western Africa.” Movement Ecology 10: https://doi.org/10.1186/s40462-022-00329-2 ︎
9. Zhao, Y., Zhao, X., Wu, L., Mu, T., Yu, F., Kearsley, L., Liang, X., Fu, J., Hou, X., Peng, P., Li, X., Zhang, T., Yan, S., Newell, D., Hewson, C. M., Townshend, T., Åkesson, S., and Liu, Y. 2022. “A 30,000-km journey by Apus apus pekinensis tracks arid lands between northern China and south-western Africa.” Movement Ecology 10: https://doi.org/10.1186/s40462-022-00329-2 ︎
10. Yi Shen. N.d. “Birdwatching Takes Flight in China.” China Minutes. https://chinaminutes.com/2025/04/23/birdwatching-takes-flight-in-china/ ︎
11. Yi Shen. N.d. “Birdwatching Takes Flight in China.” China Minutes. https://chinaminutes.com/2025/04/23/birdwatching-takes-flight-in-china/ ︎

The bamboo metaphor symbolises the essence of Vietnam’s foreign policy: firm in principles yet flexible in strategy and approach. For decades, Vietnam has pursued a diplomatic path characterised by non-alignment, active engagement with major powers, and adaptability in its international dealings. The term bamboo diplomacy was popularised by the late General Secretary of the Communist Party, Nguyễn Phú Trọng, and reflects the long-standing foreign policy principles of President Hồ Chí Minh.

Since the end of the Cold War, Vietnam has not only enjoyed stable domestic politics but has also achieved rapid economic growth, played active roles in multilateral institutions, and maintained peaceful relations with global powers. The country has consistently upheld a foreign policy based on independence, self-reliance, multilateralism, and diversification (Van, 2025). Like the bamboo tree, whose roots grow deep and firm—symbolising sovereignty, autonomy, and national interest—Vietnam stands strong in its principles. At the same time, its flexible branches sway with the wind without breaking, representing a pragmatic and adaptive approach to diplomacy. This combination has allowed Vietnam to navigate an unpredictable geopolitical environment and emerge as a credible middle power in international affairs.

Vietnam has demonstrated remarkable skill in balancing relationships with global powers, especially with two of its former adversaries: the US and China. Confronted with a variety of traditional and non-traditional security challenges, and shifting global alliances, Vietnam recognises that strict ideological alignment or rigid alliance commitments can be detrimental. Instead, it pursues cooperative relationships based on mutual benefit and adjusts its positions depending on the issue at hand (Ibid.). The country has also cultivated strong economic and security ties with middle powers across the Indo-Pacific region, including Japan, South Korea, India, and the UK. Importantly, it avoids aligning with any power bloc against another, especially amid intensifying great power rivalries. This strategy allows Vietnam to diversify its partnerships, strengthen security cooperation, foster economic development, and expand its diplomatic influence—while avoiding entanglement in zero-sum conflicts.

Vietnam’s foreign policy has been shaped by its centuries-long history of struggle. The country endured over a thousand years of Chinese imperial rule, followed by French colonialism, and concluded decades of conflict with a hard-won victory over the United States in 1975, securing full territorial integrity and independence. This historical legacy has instilled in the Vietnamese people a deep determination never to trade sovereignty and peace for short-term gains. Today, the country remains keenly aware of the complex currents of international politics and thus adheres to principles of non-interference, self-reliance, and multidirectional diplomacy to prevent past vulnerabilities from recurring (Ibid.).

Bamboo diplomacy also reflects Vietnam’s strategic calculus in managing relations with individual major powers. Russia has long been a vital partner, especially in the field of defence. The bilateral relationship is characterised by military cooperation, including the supply of equipment and the modernisation of Vietnam’s defence capabilities (Mazyrin, 2012). The two countries are also engaged in joint oil and gas exploration in Vietnamese waters. However, the relationship is driven more by strategic and security concerns than by economic dynamism.

China, due to its geographic proximity and economic might, is an indispensable partner. It is Vietnam’s largest trading partner, and both countries share a similar one-party communist system. Nonetheless, the relationship has long been strained by territorial disputes in the South China Sea—an enduring test of Vietnam’s diplomatic agility. While Vietnam is keen to develop economic ties with its powerful neighbour, it remains steadfast in defending its maritime claims and sovereignty (Dung, 2022). To balance against China’s influence, Vietnam has built a comprehensive strategic partnership with the US, deepening economic ties and enhancing security cooperation. At the same time, Vietnam avoids aligning too closely with Washington, wary of provoking Beijing or becoming ensnared in great power rivalry (Ibid.).

As a result of this careful balancing act, Vietnam has earned the trust of all three major powers— the US, China, and Russia—becoming one of the few nations to host all three leaders: Joe Biden, Xi Jinping, and Vladimir Putin. This remarkable achievement illustrates Vietnam’s growing geopolitical importance and its recognition as a reliable partner in Southeast Asia.

Bamboo diplomacy extends beyond bilateral relationships with great powers. Vietnam also seeks to make proactive and constructive contributions to multilateral institutions such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the United Nations (UN), where it promotes regional peace, economic integration, and global stability (Bui, 2023). Confronted with escalating tensions in the South China Sea, Vietnam views the maritime dispute not only as a matter of sovereignty and territorial integrity but also as a regional security issue. To this end, it works to multilateralise the conflict through ASEAN and collaborates with external partners who support freedom of navigation and the rule of law. Vietnam has also demonstrated its commitment to international peace by participating in UN peacekeeping operations (Do, 2022).

Economic diplomacy is another cornerstone of the bamboo strategy. Vietnam has pursued free trade agreements with countries and regions around the world, and actively participates in organisations such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), and the Asia–Europe Meeting. Since the introduction of the Đổi Mới (“Renewal”) reforms in 1986, the country has become a favoured destination for foreign direct investment, thanks to its stable political environment, improving infrastructure, competitively priced and highly skilled workforce, and strategic geographic location (Bui, 2023).

In conclusion, bamboo diplomacy has played a pivotal role in enhancing Vietnam’s global presence. By diversifying its partnerships with both major and middle powers across economic, security, educational, and technological sectors, Vietnam has elevated its diplomatic influence while safeguarding its independence and autonomy. This strategy reflects the country’s flexibility, pragmatism, and resilience in a rapidly evolving multipolar world—like a bamboo tree that bends but does not break in strong winds. Guided by this philosophy, Vietnam has emerged as a stable middle power and one of Southeast Asia’s fastest-growing economies, successfully navigating international politics without becoming a pawn in great power rivalries.

References

Bui, T., 2023. Vietnamese Geoeconomics in a Polarized Global Economy: Understanding Bamboo Diplomacy and Its Viability. In Great Power Competition and Middle Power Strategies: Economic Statecraft in the Asia-Pacific Region (pp. 165-183). Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland.
Van, H., 2025. Vietnam’s Bamboo Diplomacy: From Tradition To Modern. Mitreka Satata: Journal of Historical Studies and History Education, 1(1), pp.41-51.
Do, T.T., 2022. Vietnam’s emergence as a middle power in Asia: Unfolding the
power–knowledge nexus. Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 41(2), pp.279-302.
Dung, P.X., 2022. ” No One Can Force Vietnam to Choose Sides”: Vietnam as a Self-Reliant Middle Power. asia policy, 17(4), pp.151-179.
Mazyrin, V., 2012. Russia and Vietnam: Building a Strategic Partnership. ASEAN-Russia: Foundations and Future Prospects, Singapore: ISEAS Publications, pp.173-183.

While looking from a perspective of deterrence theory, which frequently dominates the debate about the India-Pakistan relationship, it only partially explains the complexities of their current war. However, to introduce the same with a better lens, constructivism could be more of an appealing political perspective, as it highlights the deeply embedded narratives and identities that shape the behaviours of both countries. Unlike deterrence, which is based on rational actors and calculable threats, constructivism, with regards to this conflict, emphasises the role of historical memory, national identity, and social context in moulding state behaviour. The India-Pakistan relationship is more than a geopolitical rivalry; it has been constructed over decades via opposing national thoughts, tragic histories, and constant ‘othering.’ These considerations were perceptible for both sides due to multiple patriotic narratives and emotionally charged media coverage that stoked public emotions, creating an environment in which political leaders felt compelled to take decisive, even violent, action in order to maintain domestic legitimacy. These identity-based forces had a significant impact on political decisions, which were not taken in isolation.

Applying the Schmittian dynamic

The escalation was more than just tactical revenge or deterrent; it was also about reaffirming national self-conceptions. Carl Schmitt’s friend–enemy distinction offers a more compelling lens through which to interpret the enduring hostility and recent military exchanges between India and Pakistan. According to Schmitt, politics is rooted in the binary of friend versus enemy, a distinction so fundamental that it can legitimise acts of war. This framework continues to resonate in the context where both nations routinely define their national identities and security priorities in opposition to each other. The recent retaliatory strikes and heightened rhetoric along the Line of Control (LOC) exemplify how this Schmittian dynamic is not only alive but strategically mobilised. While we discussed deterrence theory and constructivism as primitive escalating factors to consider when strategising political narratives on both sides, Schmittian philosophy is often used to portray the other as an existential threat, not just a geopolitical rival but a civilizational adversary, which is of paramount importance here. In such a scenario, military actions are not simply tactical responses but are framed as necessary acts of self-preservation. They are meant to reaffirm sovereignty and national cohesion in the face of a perceived enemy, thus rendering diplomacy secondary or even suspect. The ultimate test of the political system lies in the capacity to identify and confront the enemy. In doing so, states justify exceptional measures including pre-emptive strikes, curfews, and suspension of dialogue as existential imperatives. Schmitt’s theory thereby illuminates how the friend–enemy binary is not just rhetorical but operational, shaping policy and justifying violence. Ultimately, the India-Pakistan context reveals the enduring relevance and danger of Schmitt’s philosophy: when the enemy is existential, peace becomes provisional, and politics is defined less by compromise than by conflict. 

Concluding the Zero-Sum Dynamic

In summary, traditional realist or deterrence-based theories by themselves are failing to adequately explain the India-Pakistan conflict. A constructivist viewpoint can demonstrate how strongly national identity, historical memory, and emotionally charged narratives influence public opinion and political decisions on both sides. When viewed from the lens of Schmitt’s friend-enemy distinction, the struggle appears not only as a contest over territory or power, but as a foundational collision of generated identities—within each nation, defining itself in part by what it is not. Schmitt’s lens then introduces a unique solution which lies not only in treaties or ceasefires, but in transforming the very narratives that sustain the perception of the “other” as an existential threat. This means reimagining the bilateral relations through shared cultural, economic, and humanitarian frameworks that replace enmity with interdependence. Only by undermining the ideological foundation of the friend–enemy binary—through education, people-to-people contact, media reform, and inclusive leadership—can a genuine and durable peace begin to take root for the long term. Hence, in this zero-sum dynamic, peace is not simply a diplomatic achievement but a challenge to deeply held narratives, not in the absence of conflict but in the reconstruction of political imagination.

Speaking on her acclaimed memoir My Families and Other Samurai, Haruka Fukuda offered a deeply moving and insightful reflection on her family’s remarkable story, interwoven with the history of modern Japan. From samurai ancestry and wartime resilience to the corridors of power in Tokyo and London, her talk captivated the audience with its blend of personal narrative and historical sweep.

In conversation, she explored themes of identity, legacy and cultural belonging – offering rare glimpses into diplomatic circles, imperial education and state visits abroad, all told with warmth and grace. The event drew a full house, with members of the Japan Society of Scotland joining us for an unforgettable evening of storytelling and reflection.

We are grateful to Haruka Fukuda for sharing her story with such elegance and candour, and to our friends at the Japan Society of Scotland for their collaboration. Following the talk, guests had the opportunity to purchase My Families and Other Samurai and meet the author in person.

Please enjoy a selection of photos from the event below.

The establishment of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), a regional organisation representing ten Southeast Asian states, marked a collective effort to create a region of peace, stability, and prosperity. The founding purpose of ASEAN was to eliminate intra-regional political turmoil, interstate tensions and territorial conflicts among member states (Natalegawa, 2018). Its expansion in the 1990s reflected a broader ambition to manage not only internal affairs but also external relations. Though it moved beyond its original purpose, ASEAN has successfully helped transform Southeast Asia into one of the world’s most stable and peaceful regions, owing largely to its distinctive diplomatic approach, known as the “ASEAN Way” (ibid.).

Over nearly six decades, Southeast Asian diplomacy has achieved notable success in both internal and external relations. Internally, ASEAN member states differ widely in culture, ethnicity, language, religion, economic structure and political systems, making Southeast Asia arguably the most diverse region in the world. Historically, tensions over territorial borders were common, such as those between Malaysia and the Philippines, Indonesia and Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia, and Thailand and Malaysia. The creation of ASEAN marked a shift in how member states approached regional cooperation, prioritising preventive diplomacy and shared values over conflict (Mahbubani & Sng, 2017). This approach helped control intra-regional disputes and encouraged cooperation, enabling member states to balance national interests with shared regional goals (Natalegawa, 2018).

The ASEAN Way has proven effective in managing regional tensions and encouraging cooperation, even beyond Southeast Asia; its influence is also felt in Northeast Asia (Luc, 2020). Instead of adopting “naming and shaming” strategies common in Western diplomacy, where public criticism is used to enforce international norms, ASEAN favours quiet diplomacy and mutual respect for sovereignty. Member states emphasise consensus-building, non-interference, peaceful dispute resolution and neutrality. These values are deeply rooted in a shared colonial history; all ASEAN countries, except Thailand, were once under European rule (Acharya, 2021). As a result, sovereignty, territorial integrity, and independence remain sacrosanct, principles enshrined in the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC).

Southeast Asian states have navigated multiple shifts in global power dynamics, from Western colonisation to Cold War rivalries and now to a multipolar world dominated by competition among rising Asian powers. The Cold War era saw Southeast Asia become a strategic battleground for proxy conflicts between US-aligned democracies and Soviet-backed communist regimes. During this time, ASEAN was often perceived as pro-Western due to its anti-communist stance. However, as the region matured, member states grew more aware of the risks posed by external interference, prompting efforts to build both national and regional resilience (Natalegawa, 2018). Today’s US–China rivalry, however, differs markedly from the Cold War. Whereas the Cold War was defined by ideological opposition, the US–China competition is characterised by deep economic interdependence and global connectivity (ibid.).

Despite the increased complexity of international relations, ASEAN continues to uphold its principles of consensus, neutrality and face-saving. It has earned the trust of all major powers, positioning itself as a central player in multilateral diplomacy. Institutions such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), East Asia Summit (EAS), and ASEAN Plus Three exemplify ASEAN’s ability to set agendas, establish norms and bring major powers to the negotiating table. Although ASEAN faces criticism over the effectiveness of its consensus-based diplomacy, it remains adept at managing external power rivalries and protecting the region from becoming entangled in geostrategic conflicts.

In conclusion, Southeast Asia, at the heart of both the US’s Free and Open Indo-Pacific strategy and China’s Belt and Road Initiative, has demonstrated that being a geopolitical fulcrum does not equate to being dominated by external powers. ASEAN and its member states have shown remarkable diplomatic agility, pragmatism, and effectiveness in managing great power dynamics through multilateralism and diversified foreign relations. Their diplomacy has transformed a region of small, diverse states into one marked by political stability, economic prosperity and a leading role in shaping international cooperation at both regional and global levels.

London, United Kingdom – April 4, 2025 — Roots of Peace, the global humanitarian nonprofit committed to turning “Mines to Vines,” proudly commemorates UN International Landmine Awareness Day with the launch of its international White Rose for Peace campaign. The initiative, unveiled this week at the UK Parliament, marks a renewed call to eradicate landmines and plant the seeds of peace—literally.

Heidi Kuhn, Founder of Roots of Peace and recipient of the 2023 World Food Prize, is leading the charge:

“The simplicity of a white rose carries profound meaning,” said Kuhn. “It’s a symbol of love and purity that transcends borders—urging humanity to replace the seeds of war caused by landmines with agricultural seeds of life. Each mine removed creates fertile ground for peace. Each tree planted nourishes future generations. This Spring, we call on people everywhere to cultivate peace through agriculture.”

The White Rose for Peace campaign invites individuals worldwide to give a white rose to someone—or somewhere—that inspires peace. Whether it’s a person, place, or story that brings hope, the rose becomes a shared symbol of new beginnings and solidarity.

Joining Heidi Kuhn at Parliament is Tasmina Ahmed-Sheikh, former Member of Parliament and vocal advocate for global peacebuilding, who expressed her support:

“I am honored and privileged to be part of the white rose for peace campaign, joining the multi award-winning and outstanding humanitarian, Heidi Kuhn, as she travels the world spreading the message of peace through agriculture. I was delighted to see support for the campaign by Parliamentarians from both the House of Commons and the House of Lords in the Palace ofWestminster. This endorsement is testament to the importance and resonance of this initiative.”

A Call to Action

This week’s Parliamentary Briefing on Landmine Awareness Day—hosted by MP Alex Ballinger and organized by The HALO Trust, represented by CEO James Cowen, and the Mines Advisory Group (MAG), represented by CEO Darren Cormack—brought together leaders in mine action to address pressing global challenges.

The gathering underscored the urgency of landmine clearance and reaffirmed the UK’s leadership in the Global Mine Action Programme (GMAP), which supports humanitarian, development, and security initiatives in over 60 landmine-contaminated countries. Heidi Kuhn, CEO of Roots of Peace, was invited to deliver powerful remarks on the transformative mission of turning “Mines to Vines,” emphasizing the vital role of landmine removal in restoring lives, livelihoods, and hope to affected communities.

Global Participation Encouraged:

This Spring, Roots of Peace is renewing its call for advocates of peace to symbolize their commitment with the gift of a white rose. Select a friend – or an adversary – and present him or her with one white rose. Consider it an act of kindness that advances not only the desire for a peaceful world, but also of a world devoid of land mines that demarcate those regions where war is waged.

There are 110 million land mines still despoiling soil that could be used to grow crops. Roots of Peace focuses its attention primarily on vines that grow grapes, but all productive agricultural land is symbolized by one white rose, and all its merits a safe, robust, nutritious destiny.

Roots of Peace encourages global citizens to:

• Gift a white rose to someone who inspires peace.
• Take a photo and post it on social media with hashtags: #WhiteRoseForPeace and #RootsofPeace
• Support the movement at www.rootsofpeace.org

“Let’s spread inspiration, not conflict. Plant the Roots of Peace on Earth.”

Why It Matters:

• Each landmine removed creates fertile ground for peace.
• Each fruit tree planted feeds future generations.
• Each tree planted sequesters carbon to fight the climate crisis.

The global ‘White Rose for Peace’ campaign builds upon decades of work by Roots of Peace to clear over 100 million square meters of land in countries like Afghanistan, Vietnam, Angolaand Croatia restoring livelihoods and dignity to countless families.

“This is more than a symbolic gesture—it’s a growing movement to heal the land and our humanity,” said Kuhn.

How to Participate:

• Gift a white rose as a gesture of peace.
• Share your story on social media with #WhiteRoseForPeace #RootsofPeace
• Donate at www.rootsofpeace.org.

About Roots of Peace:

Roots of Peace supports the world’s most vulnerable farmers and traders, removing the remnants of war and restoring agricultural productivity and prosperity. Roots of Peace is a humanitarian organization dedicated to the removal of landmines and the subsequent replanting and rebuilding of war-torn regions. Founded in 1997 by Heidi Kuhn, the goal of Roots of Peace is to turn minefields into farmland and support victims of landmine accidents. For more information clickhere.

Traditional Methods for Contemporary Challenges

The initiative of passive solar housing in the Himalayas, popularised by programs such as GERES India, demonstrates how ancient knowledge derived from the designs resonated with the principles of Vastu Shastra, an ancient Indian architectural science that advocates harmony with natural forces. Texts like Mayamatam and Manasara emphasise building orientation, material selection, and thermal regulation, all elements that modern architects can easily adopt for energy efficiency, combined with modern energy requirements. These dwellings are built with locally sourced raw materials encompassing mud, stone and wood, and are designed to maximise sunshine during the day while retaining heat during the coldest nights. Windows face east to capture the early sun, and walls are strategically insulated to ensure temperature balance. This method significantly reduces the demand for firewood, animal dung, or other energy sources for heating, which can be extremely useful for implementation in the states of Rajasthan, Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh, Ladakh, and Sikkim. These techniques are also suitable for high-altitude locations in Maharashtra and Karnataka, such as Mahabaleshwar and Chikmagalur. These energy-efficient designs, which orient buildings to capture sunlight and employ insulation to manage temperature, have the potential to lessen climate impacts while promoting sustainable development across India.

Developing Passive Solar Procedures

Programs including GERES India have proved the scalability of passive solar homes with over 550 homes and community buildings rehabilitated or newly built, this effort has taught 215 local artisans and revitalised rural settlements. These dwellings cost an average of $955 to build or modify, with communities providing labour and supplies. The initiative subsidises costs, paying for 60% of materials and skilled labour, while gradually diminishing financial support to encourage independent replication. Sustainable structures are not only ecologically friendly, but also economically viable. As cities and rural areas work to minimise greenhouse gas emissions, including passive solar techniques into new constructions or retrofitting existing buildings can drastically cut energy use.

Developing Inclusion and Bringing Energy Equity  

The lessons from the Himalayas transcend beyond energy conservation to address the wider problem of energy justice. While India declared 100% village electrification in 2018, around 10 million households remain without dependable electricity. Many isolated Himalayan settlements, cut off from the main grid, continue to rely on solar microgrids and clean cooking solutions pioneered by organisations such as the Global Himalayan Expedition.

GHE’s decentralised solar systems have provided electricity to nearly 200,000 people, including residences, schools, and healthcare facilities. By combining solar panels with improved cookstoves and community-driven projects like homestay tourism, these programs have not only lowered carbon emissions but also given livelihoods and slowed migration to cities. Skalzang Wangyal, a local leader, rightly stated, “Unless villagers have basic facilities, they will migrate to the town.” By addressing energy poverty sustainably, such projects protect cultural assets while assuring long-term growth.

A Guide for Nationwide Deployment

The Himalayan model of passive solar design and community-driven energy solutions can inspire similar strategies in other parts of India. Extreme climate regions, such as Rajasthan’s scorching deserts or the damp winters of the northeastern states, might adapt these concepts by incorporating local materials and culturally relevant designs. Furthermore, engaging marginalised communities’ input into project design and execution is crucial. Programs like the SECURE Himalaya Project and the National Mission for Sustaining the Himalayan Ecosystem (NMSHE) projects how traditional knowledge systems, such as water harvesting techniques of the Lepcha community or forest management by the Uttarakhand villages, can be scaled up to address modern challenges.

Bridging the Traditional and Innovational Gaps to Reach Global Model for Sustainability

While traditional behaviours serve as the foundation for sustainable living, technical advancements enable the efficient expansion of these activities, leaving the Himalayan belt at a crossroads. Combining passive solar housing with rooftop solar panels, smart grids, and contemporary insulating materials can improve efficiency and adaptability. This balance between the past and present teaches an important lesson: solutions to global concerns such as climate change are frequently found in the knowledge of local communities. Policymakers, architects, and environmentalists must work with these communities to incorporate their knowledge into sustainable development plans. Mountainous regions around the world, from the Andes to the Alps, face comparable issues of energy scarcity and ecological fragility. These regions can minimise their carbon footprint and improve their quality of life by implementing passive solar design principles and decentralised energy solutions.

The Himalayan region is more than just a showcase of natural beauty, it is also a living laboratory for resilience. The communities have demonstrated that sustainable living is not a luxury, but rather a requirement that can be achieved through innovation, collaboration, and environmental stewardship. As the world struggles with the twin crises of climate change and energy inequality, the wisdom of the Himalayas provides both inspiration and practical solutions.

Let us not wait till these vulnerable ecosystems reach a tipping point. Instead, let us use their knowledge to create a future that is not only energy-efficient, but also egalitarian, sustainable, and intimately connected to nature.

This may be an indication of stronger defence cooperation or heightened security concerns by Bhutan amid China having built settlements on the territory of Bhutan in recent years. The Indian media expects the situation on the Doklam Plateau to be discussed, which is one of the areas where China extends its presence and infrastructure into disputed areas in the Himalayas confronting Bhutan and India. In this manner, the People’s Republic is developing its hegemony in the Himalayas and expanding its influence into South Asia.

A brief recent History of the Border Disputes between China, India and Bhutan

The border disputes, including violent clashes between members of the Chinese and Indian militaries, date back to the Cold War era and continue to flare up occasionally to this day. Shortly after Narendra Modi became Prime Minister in 2014, he invited Chinese President Xi Jinping to India as part of his multi-vector foreign policy approach, attempting to engage with all major powers. However, Xi’s visit was overshadowed by incursions of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) into territories in the disputed Demchok and Chomar regions. Meetings between Xi and Modi a year later improved the confidence in bilateral ties.

Despite the improvement in bilateral ties, a standoff between the two countries’ militaries occurred two years later, in 2017, on the Doklam Plateau, which lies in the border region of India, China, and Bhutan. While troops were recalled after 73 tense days, with escalation looming, bilateral trust between the Chinese and Indian governments was severely damaged.

Chinese activities in the border region aimed at changing the Line of Actual Control (LAC), which the Indian Government describes as efforts to “unilaterally change the status quo”, have led to multiple eruptions of violence. On 15^th June 2020, 20 Indian soldiers and an unverified number of Chinese soldiers died in the Galwan Valley following violent cross-border clashes.

While China is interested in expanding the LAC to its advantage, India seeks to restore it to the pre-May 2020 line, before China made significant advancements. This conflict has triggered an arms and military infrastructure race on the “Roof of the World”.

The Demchok Region

At the end of last year, the Chinese authorities created two new counties in its Hotan Prefecture, which borders India to the Southwest of its Ladakh Region. However, these new counties encompass areas that India considers an integral part of its Union Territory of Ladakh.

“India has never accepted the illegal Chinese occupation of Indian territory in the area. We have seen the announcement pertaining to the establishment of two new counties in Hotan Prefecture of China. Parts of the jurisdiction of these so-called counties fall in India’s Union Territory of Ladakh,” a spokesperson for the Ministry of External Affairs commented.

This move by China is widely seen as an attempt to extend and consolidate its control of disputed territories in the Himalayas. The provocation of integrating the disputed territory into its existing administrational system came amid recent diplomatic talks between Indian and Chinese officials on 18^th December, when Chinese Foreign Minister, Wang Yi met with Indian National Security Advisor Ajit Doval in Beijing to discuss military disengagement in the disputed areas.

The strategic importance of the Doklam Plateau:

China’s territorial encroachments in the Doklam Plateau, mentioned earlier, bring the Kingdom of Bhutan into the analysis. Bhutan, located in the heart of the Himalayas, borders its larger, nuclear-armed neighbours, India and China. While Bhutan has no official diplomatic relations with China, it enjoys a “special relationship” with India. However, the kingdom on the Roof of the World also has an interest in maintaining predictable relations with China, particularly in light of China’s territorial expansion into Bhutanese territory.

The Doklam Plateau is situated at the intersection of India’s, China’s and Bhutan’s borders. In particular, the Jampheri Ridge in Bhutan holds strategic importance, as its control would allow China to oversee the Siliguri Corridor, a narrow strip of land that connects India’s northeastern states, known as the “Seven Sisters” (including Assam and Manipur), to the rest of the country. This corridor is one of India’s most geopolitically vulnerable regions.

Starting in 2022, a village that China calls Pangda became fully inhabited following its construction. The village lies approximately 6 miles east of the Doklam Plateau, within Bhutanese territory. Additionally, Pangda is located along the Amo Chu River, which could provide China with easier access to the Jampheri Ridge.

These encroachments may seem minor but carry significant strategic implications for both India and Bhutan, giving China an advantage in the border region shared by the three countries. These proactive developments establish “facts on the ground” by expanding infrastructure into territories claimed by India or Bhutan. They also demonstrate the Chinese government’s willingness to deploy substantial resources and engage in confrontations that could lead to further cross-border clashes, as seen in 2020. Through these actions, China aims to push the Line of Actual Control (LAC) further in its favour, securing more strategic territories and increasing its influence in the South Asian region.

The Taiwan Independence Movement (TIM) seeks to establish a nation separate from the People’s Republic of China (PRC)¹. Despite holding de facto independence, Taiwan has historically held close ties with the mainland since the Qing Dynasty, following the defeat of Dutch colonists in 1662. In this sense, the CCP and KMT both claim Taiwan has been part of China since ancient times, with separation only first beginning with the immigration of Chinese people from Fujian province to the island around the 1660s².  However, with the nation overcoming more than a century’s worth of violent political transformation, including Japanese colonial rule, civil war and KMT martial law, independence proponents believe the nation possesses a set of values distinct from the PRC, whilst Mao’s communist ideology and traumatic Cultural Revolution between 1966 and 1976 furthered this divide. As a result, Taiwanese intellectuals, according to Sinologist Sabina Knight, viewed themselves as the ‘guardians’ of traditional culture, following the communist takeover of the mainland, taking with them collections of historical Chinese artefacts that find themselves within Taiwanese museums today³. The idea of independence emerged in the 1920s but gained momentum with the 1947 “February 28th Incident” and Chiang Kai-shek’s subsequent implementation of martial law. The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), formed in 1987 following the democratic transition after 40 years of authoritarianism, included Taiwanese independence within its 1991 manifesto, but took a moderate stance towards the issue, viewing the nation as an already de facto independent state.

Scotland’s history of independence extends over centuries, having founded an independent kingdom during the Middle Ages, fighting Wars of Independence against England between the 13th and 14th centuries, later uniting through a personal crown under James VI and I in 1603, and fully uniting under the Act of Union in 1707, creating the Kingdom of Great Britain, later the United Kingdom. The Scottish National Party (SNP), established in 1934, has been a driving force for independence since the mid-1960s, posing a threat to unionists, with the 1970’s “It’s Scotland’s Oil” movement arguing economic success at that time with the boom of North Sea oil and gas could have led to greater prosperity as an independent nation.

The Scottish Government highlights several cases for independence. The first argues Scotland can gain autonomy over fiscal policy, setting minimum wages and the implementation of a new Scottish pound. Their promise of lower energy prices would come to fruition through greener resources, with renewable electricity such as Hydrogen predicted to support up to 300,000 new jobs⁴. The second case involves re-joining the European Union following the UK’s withdrawal in 2020, arguing this be wholly representative of Scottish wishes, as the majority of the electorate (62%) chose to remain in the 2016 referendum, having only left due to the wishes of English voters. This move, if successful, intends to revitalise previously weakened international trade and therefore improve the nation’s economic standing on a global sphere.

Scotland currently holds its own parliament, elected assembly, and devolved powers including healthcare and education. It, however, remains underrepresented in areas reserved for Westminster such as immigration and defence. The SNP believes continued ruling by Westminster presents disadvantages for Scotland, an example being the recent enforcement of stricter visa regulations for overseas workers coming to the UK. Considering non-UK-born workers made up 14.3% of the economically active population within Scotland in 2022, this leads to greater pressures on NHS Scotland in terms of a lowered workforce capacity, impacting higher education and discouraging international academics from coming to Scotland to live, work and settle down⁵. This trend may provoke future population decline, harming Scotland’s future, considering it had only a population of 5.4 million as of 2022⁶. The UK government, on the other hand, argues that independence would damage both Scotland and the rest of the UK. They highlight the drastic size contrast between the two regions, argued to be ten times the size of Scotland, and suggesting a future where Holyrood must be bailed out by UK taxpayers, even in a scenario involving a currency union instead of a new Scottish pound⁷.

Advocacy for independence in both regions involves mass rallies. A 2018 demonstration in Taipei, organised by Formosa Alliance amassed over 100,000 participants, opposing “Beijing’s increasing hostility towards the island”, calling for an independence referendum and the renaming of the nation from the ROC to Taiwan to avoid worldwide confusion with the PRC⁸.  Further reference to Mainland hegemony was made by Presidential Office Advisor Wu Li-Pei, who urged people “not to let Taiwan become ‘another Hong Kong’”. The outcome was, however, limited, as the view of the President at the time, Tsai Ying-Wen was to maintain the “status quo” with Mainland China to prevent extended political tension⁹.

On the other hand, the Scottish people have already held an independence referendum on September 18, 2014, with the vast majority, 55%, voting to remain in the UK¹⁰. Calls for a second referendum, however, popularly known as “indyref2”, remain ongoing but, face continued resistance from Westminster, with the referendum described as a “once in a generation, perhaps even a once in a lifetime opportunity”¹¹. As a result, protests within Scotland have occurred post-Brexit, highlighting Scottish grievances with the Westminster government, and demonstrating contrasting values between the two regions. Recent examples include 2023 EU referendum demonstrations outside Edinburgh Castle, with protestors proclaiming that “the Yes movement can help correct the ‘damages’ of Brexit”, and 2024 Glasgow protests coinciding with Pro-Palestine rallies, the crowds of which were addressed by the late former First Minister, Alex Salmond¹². The turnout of these protests however was only in the hundreds, which in comparison to their Taiwanese equivalents demonstrates waning support for independence within Scotland, making limited impact on the decision making of Holyrood and Westminster.

The two movements discuss identity, governance, and historical ties, but the natures of the two nations unveil their key differences. Despite recognition as an ‘Asian Tiger’, Taiwanese independence fundamentally wishes to escape mainland clutches, challenging the ‘One China’ policy maintained by the mainland. The mainland’s threat to Taiwanese democracy is demonstrated through the recent New Year’s Speech broadcast across the PRC, President Xi himself stating “No one can sever our blood ties, and no one can stop the historical trend of the reunification of the motherland”¹³. Taiwan has become a talking point in East Asian geopolitics, the movement heightening Taiwanese-unique history and culture, outside of Chinese or Han ethnicity. On the other hand, the Scottish approach to independence involves less political conflict, instead revolving around what appears to be endless bureaucracy, following centuries of diplomacy, and only recently gaining more traction and debate following the last decade of UK political affairs.

1. Fu-Chang Wang, “Taiwan Independence Movement” (Academia Sinica, Taiwan, January 2013), 1. ︎
2. Young-tsu Wong, China’s Conquest of Taiwan in the Seventeenth Century: Victory at Full Moon (Springer, 2017), 106. ︎
3. Sabina Knight, Chinese Literature: A Very Short Introduction (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 102. ︎
4.  Scottish Government, “Building a New Scotland: A stronger economy with independence – summary”, October 17, 2022, https://www.gov.scot/publications/building-new-scotland-stronger-economy-independence-summary/ ︎
5. Rebecca Kay and Hannah Randolph, “The potential impact of recent UK immigration policy announcements in Scotland”, March 2024, https://fraserofallander.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/2024-03-Immigration-policy-paper.pdf ︎
6. Office for National Statistics, “Population estimates for the UK, England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland: mid-2023”, October 8, 2024, https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/populationandmigration/populationestimates/bulletins/annualmidyearpopulationestimates/mid2023 ︎
7. GOV.UK, “Scottish independence: 5 reasons a currency union wouldn’t work”,
    May 12, 2014, https://www.gov.uk/government/news/scottish-independence-5-reasons-a-currency-union-wouldnt-work ︎
8. William Yang, “Thousands rally for Taiwan independence”, DW, October 20, 2018, https://www.dw.com/en/taiwans-independence-rally-draws-thousands-irks-china/a-45959548 ︎
9.  Ibid. ︎
10. Institute for Government, “Scottish independence: How could a second referendum on Scottish independence happen?”, September 18, 2014, https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/explainer/scottish-independence ︎
11. Philip Sim, “Indyref2: What does ‘once in a generation’ mean?”, BBC, January 16, 2020, https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-scotland-scotland-politics-51120175 ︎
12. BBC, “Hundreds take part in march for Scottish independence”, May 4 2024, https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c4n1qv33lzko ︎
13. China News Agency, “Xi Jinping: Compatriots on both sides of the Taiwan Strait are one family. No one can cut off our blood ties”, January 2, 2025, https://www.china-news-online.com/lang/Canada/4005358.html ︎

So, let’s dive in.

We’ve all heard it before: “LinkedIn is cringe.” It’s like a purposefully curated, corporate version of Facebook, where people flex their job titles and humblebrag their way into your feed. It’s been called everything from a self-promotion machine to Instagram for professionals. And while I won’t argue against these sentiments, the irony is that calling LinkedIn “cringe” has now become just as repetitive as the content people critique. Like any social platform, LinkedIn has its place. It’s not just a space for announcements and achievements but also a tool for connecting with people you’ve lost touch with, keeping tabs on what others are up to, and occasionally shooting your shot by cold-messaging that one person who could change your career trajectory. Sure, the success rate is iffy, but it’s still one of the few spaces where messaging a random career professional doesn’t feel entirely incongruous.

What I’ve noticed more recently, however, is a trend of posts and profiles that seem almost AI-generated. It’s not just the overuse of jargon but the bland, cookie-cutter bios that make me think, “Surely, a real person didn’t write this?” But then again, perhaps it’s just another bout of copying and pasting other people’s posts. The profiles I am pin-pointing are often highlighting connections to prestigious institutions and emphasising the high rankings of these establishments without ever digging into the actual impact or substance of their work and its impact. This all makes me wonder–why are we doing this? Why are we so quick to present a polished version of ourselves that often feels hollow? That identifies our value by comparison to the organisations and foundations we support, work or study at. Is it fear of not measuring up, or have we simply been conditioned to believe that this kind of self-promotion is the key to success?

This brings me to the topic of hard work–one of the most misunderstood concepts in professional life. I’ve found that hard work isn’t just about grinding away for hours on end; it’s about where you choose to put that effort. The famous catchphrase “work smart, not hard” comes to mind. People can spend weeks obsessively searching for the perfect, high-paying job, waiting for the stars to align, but while you’re waiting, someone else has already started working, maybe at a lower rung on the ladder, but they are gaining experience, building connections, and slowly but surely advancing. It seems to me that, especially recent graduates, are waiting for the metaphorical river of opportunities to slow down so that they might reach in and grab the one they want–when in reality, the current is never going to calm, and you’ve just got to wade in and embrace the tidal flow. In short, your efforts only show progress if they’re directed at the right targets.

This lack of direction is something I’ve seen repeatedly in my own experiences–people waiting for the perfect opportunity rather than making the most of the opportunities in front of them. I think of it like planting a garden. You can water your seeds all day, but all that effort will not lead to a luscious garden but instead a patch of wet dirt and drowned seeds. On the other hand, if those seeds are scattered far and wide, then with even minimal effort, wondrous results can be achieved. It’s not just about working hard; it’s about working smart and knowing where your efforts will actually make an impact.

This leads me to networking–another word that’s both overused and seemingly misunderstood. I’ve been to my fair share of networking events, and let me tell you, they’re not always as glamorous as they are made out to be. More often than not, they’re awkward affairs where you find yourself being interrupted mid-conversation by someone swooping in to grab your details, exchange business cards and then bolt off to their next “target.” At first, these moments used to frustrate me. But with time, I’ve come to find them amusing. After all, what’s the point of taking the situation so seriously? 

I used to see these people as “social climbers,” but over time, my perspective has softened. Now, I think many are just following advice they’ve been given–however misguided it might be. We’re told from a young age that this is how we should network, that we need to be assertive, proactive, and always on the lookout for our next big break. The problem is that this advice often leads to people chasing partnerships rather than cultivating them. Networking is about creating relationships with people, not about trophying the number of business cards you collected or new LinkedIn connections that were made. What I’ve found is that, more often than not, the best connections are formed when you stop trying to accumulate them.

I think there is a comfort in this amassing of business cards. I’ve noticed during my time abroad how easily we all slip into what’s familiar. Exchange students, for example, tend to stick with other exchange students, sharing a language or culture is comforting when you are far from home, but it’s rare to see anyone stepping out away from these comfort zones. It’s understandable, of course. But I think we must encourage ourselves to go beyond what’s familiar and comfortable. Albert Camus, an absurdist philosopher, once wrote: “In the midst of winter, I found there was, within me, an invincible summer.” This serves as a reminder that we don’t need to strive for polished perfection. Embracing our oddities and imperfections might just lead to the most meaningful connections. This doesn’t mean we have to throw ourselves completely into the deep-end, but even the smallest effort to create a real connection can lead to experiences that will stay with you. 

A concept I’ve always found useful is the Mere Exposure Effect. It’s simple: the more people see or hear you, the more likely they are to feel positively towards you. In other words, just by being present–showing up in the right places, connecting in small, consistent ways–you’re already halfway to building something meaningful. Networking isn’t about grand gestures or flawless execution, like hard work, is easy to label as transactional. We expect every interaction to lead to something tangible–whether it’s a connection, a favour, or better, a job. But sometimes, the best interactions at networking events are the ones that don’t feel transactional at all. Some of the most productive relationships I’ve formulated at these events have started as simple conversations with no real agenda on either person’s side. After establishing a common ground, over time the communication grew naturally into something more–collaborations, friendships, and yes, even business partnerships. There’s a certain psychology to this explored by Robert Cialdini. Known for his work on the science of influence, he has identified and highlighted reciprocity, showing that people are more likely to help those who’ve helped them, even in small ways. It’s a principle that, when applied genuinely, can transform how we approach both networking and work.

In the end, success–whether in Scotland or the wider world–comes down to forging relationships, well-placed effort, and knowing when to laugh at yourself. Networking isn’t about collecting business cards; it’s about building real connections and being memorable in all the right ways. Hard work isn’t just about putting in the hours; it’s about directing those hours toward the right things. And if there’s one thing I’ve learnt, it’s that you’re never going to get it all right, but maybe that’s what makes you memorable and gets you the experience needed to build relations you didn’t know you had the confidence to facilitate. So, embrace the awkwardness, accept your quirks, and make the most of the opportunities in front of you. Whether you’re in Glasgow or Tokyo, the path to success isn’t always straight–but it’s always worth walking.

Redefining the UCAS Personal Statement: The Shift to Structured Questions

Starting in September 2025, UCAS will replace the traditional 4,000-character personal statement with three specific questions for students applying for undergraduate places in 2026.

These questions, chosen after extensive research, are:
1. Why do you want to study this course or subject?
2. How have your qualifications and studies helped you prepare for this course or subject?
3. What else have you done to prepare outside of education, and why are these experiences helpful?

Jo Saxton, Chief Executive of UCAS, announced that this change aims to help disadvantaged students access higher education by providing a more structured and accessible format. The traditional personal statement, while offering a platform for students to express their ambitions and experiences, often posed significant challenges for those with less support.²

The new UCAS format is expected to significantly impact students from Asia wishing to study in Scotland and the UK. This approach provides clearer guidelines through structured questions, helping Asian students understand what is required and how to effectively present their qualifications and motivations. By focusing on specific aspects of the application, the new format reduces ambiguity, allowing students from diverse educational backgrounds to highlight their strengths more effectively. Additionally, the guided questions streamline the preparation process, particularly benefiting non-native English speakers by providing a structured way to organise and communicate their thoughts. However, challenges include potential constraints on creativity, as the traditional essay allowed for greater personal expression, which might be limited under the new format. Furthermore, students accustomed to a broader narrative style may need additional support to adapt to the question-based approach, necessitating resources from schools and educational advisors in Asia.

The Role of International Students in Scottish Higher Education

International students, particularly from Asia, play a crucial role in the sustainability and vibrancy of higher education institutions. Their contributions extend beyond financial benefits, enriching the cultural and academic environment. For the academic year 2022–2022, the financial input of international students was estimated at approximately £4.75 billion. This substantial economic impact supports local economies and provides vital income for universities facing financial pressures due to capped domestic tuition fees.³

Beyond their economic contributions, international students enhance the diversity and global perspective of campuses. This internationalisation fosters global connections and enriches the educational experience for all students, which is crucial for maintaining the UK’s reputation as a leading destination for higher education and research. The presence of a diverse student body from various cultural backgrounds also prepares all students for a globalised workforce, promoting cross-cultural understanding and collaboration.

Despite the benefits, the heavy reliance on tuition fees from international students, particularly from China, poses risks due to economic and political uncertainties that could disrupt the flow of students, threatening the financial stability of universities.⁴ Additionally, the disparity in tuition fees between UK, international, and Scottish students raises questions about fairness, as all students should ideally have equal access to high-quality education and support services.⁵ Addressing these issues requires universities to ensure financial sustainability while fostering an equitable academic environment. Transparency in fee utilisation and efforts to redistribute resources can support this goal. By implementing clear policies and practices, universities can balance financial health with fairness, ensuring all students have access to high-quality education and support services.

Contrary to a prevalent stereotype, not all Asian students studying abroad come from wealthy backgrounds. Although international students must demonstrate sufficient funds for tuition and living expenses, this does not necessarily mean they are affluent. Many students receive scholarships, are supported by significant family sacrifices, or take on loans to study abroad. This misconception can affect how these students are perceived and treated within the university community, potentially leading to stereotypes and biases that undermine the inclusive environment universities strive to create.⁶

Balancing Domestic and International Student Admissions

A pertinent issue is whether international students are displacing domestic students in university admissions.⁷ Universities have dismissed claims that British students are being “squeezed out” by international applicants, describing such allegations as misleading. University leaders argued that the Sunday Times reporting ignored the rising numbers of UK students at Russell Group universities and unfairly compared entry requirements for non-degree courses with those of mainstream undergraduate courses.⁸

Frozen domestic tuition fees refer to the government’s policy of capping the amount universities can charge home students. This cap has not kept pace with inflation and rising costs, putting financial pressure on institutions. To compensate, universities often seek higher tuition fees from international students, creating tension and raising concerns about equity and access. Although this dynamic could shift if universities continue to admit more international students to offset financial pressures, current evidence and expert opinions suggest that British students are not being systematically displaced by overseas applicants.⁹

The evolving higher education sector in the UK is marked by significant reforms and the vital role of international students. The UCAS personal statement reforms promise a more equitable and accessible application process, benefiting students from Asia and other regions. Simultaneously, the contributions of international students to universities are indispensable, though the financial model requires careful management to ensure sustainability and fairness.¹⁰

As Scotland continues to expand its global educational influence, balancing these dynamics will be key to maintaining its status as a leading destination for higher education and research. By fostering an inclusive and supportive academic environment, Scotland can attract and retain talented students from Asia, enriching its educational framework and cultural diversity. While only time will tell if these changes achieve their intended goals, the commitment to accessibility and the rich contributions of Asian students, alongside systematic reforms like the new UCAS format, provides a hopeful outlook for a more equitable and flourishing academic environment in Scotland.

References:

1. Ben Maples, “UCAS personal statements are changing in 2025: here’s what you need to know,” Uni Compare, July 18, 2024, https://universitycompare.com/advice/ucas/ucas-personal-statement-changes ︎
2. Hafsa Khali, July 18, 2024 “Ucas to reform university personal statements,” BBC, https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cger11kjk1jo ︎
3. Universities Scotland, “International students boost Scottish economy by £4.75bn,” May 16, 2023, https://www.universities-scotland.ac.uk/hepimay23/#:~:text=New%20data%20reveals%20that%20the,bn%20to%20the%20Scottish%20economy ︎
4. Hannah Kershaw, “Universities in Scotland are “overly reliant” on Chinese student fees, Ministers say,” The Saint, February 2, 2024, https://www.thesaint.scot/post/universities-scotland-reliant-chinese-student-fees-ministers#:~:text=At%20the%20Scottish%20universities%20which,not%20host%20a%20Confucius%20Institute. ︎
5. Kate Ogden and David Phillips, “Scottish universities and students are under pressure – and so is the Scottish budget,” Institute for Fiscal Studies, December 14, 2023, https://ifs.org.uk/articles/scottish-universities-and-students-are-under-pressure-and-so-scottish-budget ︎
6. University of Essex, “Stereotypes about Chinese international students are mistaken new study finds,” October 18, 2018, https://www.essex.ac.uk/news/2018/10/10/stereotypes-about-chinese-international-students-are-mistaken-new-study-finds ︎
7. The Times, “Cash for courses: top universities recruit foreign students on low grades,” February 9, 2024, https://www.thetimes.com/uk/article/cash-for-courses-the-foreign-students-with-low-grades-at-top-universities-pcskjb6xx  ︎
8. Richard Adams, “British students not being ‘squeezed out’ by overseas applicants, say universities,” The Guardian, January 24, 2024, https://www.theguardian.com/education/2024/jan/28/british-students-not-being-squeezed-out-by-overseas-applicants-say-universities ︎
9. Joe Lewis and Paul Bolton, “Higher education funding: Trends and challenges,” UK Parliament, July 16, 2024, https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/higher-education-funding-trends-and-challenges/  ︎
10. Scottish Government, “Scotland’s International Educational Strategy,” February 7, 2024, https://www.gov.scot/publications/scotlands-international-education-strategy/pages/3/  ︎